1 Maccabees — Chapter 3

Et surrexit Judas qui vocabatur Machabaeus

VERSE 1. ET SURREXIT JUDAS QUI VOCABATUR MACHABAEUS FILIUS EIUS PRO EO. — Then Judas his son, who was called Maccabeus, took command in his place. Lapide begins his extended commentary on Judas Maccabeus, whom he regards as one of the greatest heroes in all of Scripture. He draws a parallel between Judas and Joshua: as Joshua succeeded Moses, so Judas succeeded his father Mattathias. The very name Judas (Yehudah) means \"praised\" and was the name of the patriarch from whom the royal tribe descended (Genesis 29:35). Lapide also draws a typological parallel with Christ, noting that Judas means what Jesus means in another sense.

Et induit se loricam quasi gigas

VERSE 3. ET INDUIT SE LORICAM QUASI GIGAS ET ACCINXIT SE ARMA BELLICA SUA ET COMMITTEBAT PRELIA. — He put on a breastplate like a giant. He girded on his armor of war and waged battles, protecting the host by his sword. Lapide reflects on the warrior imagery applied to Judas. \"Like a giant\" (quasi gigas) refers not to physical stature but to superhuman strength in battle. He draws a parallel with Achilles putting on his divine armor in the Iliad (which Lapide knew), with the armor of Goliath, and above all with the armor of God described by Paul in Ephesians 6:11-17. Spiritual warfare requires spiritual armor.

Et similis factus est leoni in operibus suis

VERSE 4. ET SIMILIS FACTUS EST LEONI IN OPERIBUS SUIS ET SICUT CATULUS LEONIS RUGIENS IN VENATIONE. — He was like a lion in his deeds, like a lion's cub roaring for prey. Lapide develops the lion imagery extensively. The lion was the symbol of the tribe of Judah (Genesis 49:9) and of Christ Himself (Revelation 5:5). In battle, Judas fought with the boldness and ferocity of a lion — fearless, powerful, striking swiftly and decisively. Lapide compares him to the great warriors of antiquity: Achilles, Leonidas, Alexander, Caesar — but notes that Judas surpassed them all in that he fought not for personal glory but for God's honor.

Et conversi sunt peccatores in perturbatione

VERSE 6. ET CONVERSI SUNT PECCATORES IN PERTURBATIONE ET INIQUI PERTERRITI SUNT. — Sinners shrank back in fear of him, and all the evildoers were troubled; salvation prospered in his hand. He embittered many kings, but made Jacob glad by his deeds, and his memory is blessed forever. Lapide comments on how Judas's victories struck terror not only into the enemies of Israel but specifically into the apostate Jews — the \"sinners\" and \"evildoers\" mentioned here. This is significant: the Maccabean resistance was directed against both external persecution and internal apostasy.

Et congregavit Apollonius gentes

VERSE 10. ET CONGREGAVIT APOLLONIUS GENTES ET A SAMARIA EXERCITUM MAGNUM ET COPIOSUM UT BELLARET CONTRA ISRAEL. — Apollonius gathered Gentiles together, with a large force from Samaria, to fight against Israel. Lapide identifies this Apollonius as the governor of Samaria (not the same as the Apollonius who had earlier sacked Jerusalem, 1 Maccabees 1:29). He explains the military and political context: the Samaritan territory was garrisoned by Seleucid troops who formed a constant threat to Judas's flank as he fought in Judea.

Et cognovit Judas et exivit obviam illi

VERSE 11. ET COGNOVIT JUDAS ET EXIVIT OBVIAM ILLI ET PERCUSSIT ET OCCIDIT EUM. — Judas learned of it, and he went out to meet him and defeated and killed him. Many were wounded and fell, and the rest fled. Lapide praises Judas's strategic initiative: rather than waiting to be attacked, he went out to meet the enemy. This is the superior military posture — taking the offensive, choosing the terrain and timing of battle. Lapide notes that the death of Apollonius (their commander) demoralized the Syrian forces and turned what might have been a closely contested battle into a rout.

Et abstulit Judas gladium Apollonii

VERSE 12. ET ABSTULIT JUDAS GLADIUM APOLLONII ET ERAT PUGNANS IN EO OMNIBUS DIEBUS. — Judas took the sword of Apollonius, and he fought with it the rest of his life. Lapide compares this to David taking Goliath's sword (1 Samuel 17:51; 21:9). The taking of the enemy commander's sword was a recognized sign of victory in ancient warfare. Judas fought with Apollonius's sword for the rest of his life — a powerful symbol of turning the enemy's own weapons against him.

Et audivit Seron princeps exercitus Syriae

VERSE 13. ET AUDIVIT SERON PRINCEPS EXERCITUS SYRIAE QUIA CONGREGAVIT JUDAS CONGREGATIONEM FIDELIUM. — Seron, the commander of the Syrian army, heard that Judas had gathered a large company, including a body of faithful men who stayed with him and went out to battle. Lapide discusses Seron's motivation: he saw Judas's growing reputation as a threat to Seleucid control of Judea, and also as an opportunity for his own personal glorification. He moved against Judas with a large force down the pass of Beth-horon — the same pass where Joshua had defeated the Amorites (Joshua 10) and David had later fought the Philistines.

Et respondit Judas Simoni fratri suo

VERSE 18. ET RESPONDIT JUDAS SIMONI FRATRI SUO DICENS: SI VENERIT MULTITUDO HAEC IN MANUS NOSTRAS NON DIFFICILE EST NOBIS. — Judas replied to his brother Simon: \"It is not difficult for the many to be hemmed in by the few. It makes no difference before Heaven to save by many or by few, for victory in battle does not depend on the size of the army; it is heaven that grants the victory.\" Lapide provides an extensive commentary on this passage, which he regards as one of the great statements of faith in military operations in the entire Bible. He quotes parallel passages from Gideon (Judges 7:2), Jonathan (1 Samuel 14:6), and David (1 Samuel 17:47). The lesson: the faithful warrior trusts not in numbers but in God.

Non est in multitudine exercitus victoria belli

VERSE 19. NON EST IN MULTITUDINE EXERCITUS VICTORIA BELLI SED DE CAELO FORTITUDO EST. — Victory in battle does not depend on the size of the army, but strength comes from Heaven. Lapide devotes a long excursus to the theology and history of divine assistance in battle. He cites: Gideon's 300 against 135,000 Midianites (Judges 7); Jonathan and his armor-bearer against the Philistine garrison (1 Samuel 14); David and Goliath; Elisha and the Assyrian army (2 Kings 6-7). The principle is constant: God's strength is made perfect in human weakness (2 Corinthians 12:9). This is not fatalism but a call to courageous trust.

Et audivit Antiochus rex verba haec

VERSE 27. ET AUDIVIT ANTIOCHUS REX VERBA HAEC ET IRATUS EST IRA MAGNA. — When Antiochus the king heard these reports, he was filled with great anger, and he sent and gathered all the forces of his kingdom, a very strong army. Lapide gives the historical context: Antiochus Epiphanes, upon hearing of Seron's defeat and the growing strength of the Maccabean resistance, was enraged and planned a comprehensive campaign to crush the rebellion. His reaction is compared to the reaction of Pharaoh when Moses began to lead Israel out of Egypt.

Et aperuit aerarium suum et dedit stipendia exercitui

VERSE 28. ET APERUIT AERARIUM SUUM ET DEDIT STIPENDIA EXERCITUI IN ANNUM. — He opened his treasury and paid his troops a year's pay, and ordered them to be ready for every need. But then he saw that the money in the treasury was exhausted, and that the revenues from the country were small because of the dissension and disaster that he had brought upon the land. Lapide discusses the financial crisis that confronted Antiochus: his military campaigns and lavish gifts had depleted his treasury, and his persecution of Judea had disrupted the revenue stream from that province. The financial motives behind his attack on the Temple treasury are thus made clear.

Et reliquit Lysiam hominem nobilem et regalis generis

VERSE 32. ET RELIQUIT LYSIAM HOMINEM NOBILEM ET REGALIS GENERIS UT CURARET NEGOTIA REGIS AB EUPHRATE ET USQUE AD TERMINOS AEGYPTI. — He left Lysias, a man of noble birth and of royal family, in charge of the king's affairs from the Euphrates River to the borders of Egypt. Lapide discusses the identity of Lysias, who was the regent of Antiochus's young son (Antiochus V Eupator) and the effective ruler of the Seleucid Empire during Antiochus IV's Persian campaign. Lysias would prove to be one of the major opponents of Judas Maccabeus.

Et elegit Ptolemaeum filium Dorymenis

VERSE 38. ET ELEGIT PTOLEMAEUM FILIUM DORYMENIS ET NICANOREM ET GORGIAM VIROS POTENTES ET AMICOS REGIS. — Lysias chose Ptolemy the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor and Gorgias, mighty men among the Friends of the king, and he sent with them forty thousand infantry and seven thousand cavalry to go into the land of Judah and destroy it, as the king had commanded. Lapide identifies these three commanders: Ptolemy (different from the Egyptian Ptolemies), Nicanor (who will reappear as the villain of chapters 7), and Gorgias (a skilled tactician who attempted a night attack on Judas's camp). The force of 47,000 men was enormous — Judas had at most 6,000.

Et mercatores regionis audierunt famam eorum

VERSE 41. ET MERCATORES REGIONIS AUDIERUNT FAMAM EORUM ET ACCEPERUNT ARGENTUM ET AURUM MULTUM NIMIS ET COMPEDEM IN MANUM SUAM. — Merchants of the region heard what was said to them, and they took silver and gold in abundance, and fetters, and came to the camp to get the Israelites for slaves. Forces from Syria and the land of the Philistines joined with them. Lapide is struck by this detail: merchants came to the Seleucid camp bringing chains, intending to purchase Jewish slaves after the anticipated victory. This shows the contempt in which the surrounding peoples held Israel at this moment — they expected the Jews to be so thoroughly defeated that they would be available wholesale as slaves.

Et congregati sunt et venerunt in Maspha

VERSE 46. ET CONGREGATI SUNT ET VENERUNT IN MASPHA CONTRA JERUSALEM QUIA LOCUS ORATIONIS ERAT IN MASPHA ANTE IN ISRAEL. — Then they assembled and went to Mizpah, opposite Jerusalem, because Israel formerly had a place of prayer in Mizpah. Lapide explains the historical significance of Mizpah as a place of prayer and assembly in Israel's history: it was here that Samuel gathered Israel for prayer and repentance before the battle against the Philistines (1 Samuel 7:5-12). By choosing Mizpah, Judas was deliberately invoking this precedent of national repentance and divine deliverance.

Et jejunaverunt illa die et induerunt se ciliciis

VERSE 47. ET JEJUNAVERUNT ILLA DIE ET INDUERUNT SE CILICIIS ET POSUERUNT CINEREM SUPER CAPUT SUUM ET SCIDERUNT VESTIMENTA SUA. — They fasted that day, put on sackcloth and sprinkled ashes on their heads, and tore their clothing. Lapide comments on the spiritual preparation of the Maccabees before battle: fasting, sackcloth, ashes, torn garments — the full apparatus of Israelite penitential liturgy. He insists that this spiritual preparation was not merely psychological but genuinely efficacious: through it, Israel disposed themselves to receive divine help. He compares this to the Council of Trent's teaching on the dispositions required for receiving grace.

Et expanderunt librum legis de quibus scrutabantur

VERSE 48. ET EXPANDERUNT LIBRUM LEGIS DE QUIBUS SCRUTABANTUR GENTES SIMILITUDINEM SIMULACRORUM SUORUM. — They opened the book of the Law to inquire into those matters about which the Gentiles consulted the images of their gods. Lapide explains this puzzling verse: the Jews unrolled the Torah scrolls as a kind of sacred oracle — consulting God's Word in place of the pagan divination practices of their enemies. This is a beautiful contrast: the Gentiles consult their idols (which cannot speak), while Israel consults the living Word of the living God.