1 Maccabees — Chapter 15

Et misit rex Antiochus filius Demetrii epistolas

VERSE 1. ET MISIT REX ANTIOCHUS FILIUS DEMETRII EPISTOLAS AB INSULIS MARIS SIMONI SACERDOTI ET PRINCIPI GENTIS JUDAEORUM. — King Antiochus, the son of Demetrius, sent a letter from the islands of the sea to Simon, the priest and leader of the nation of the Jews. Lapide identifies Antiochus VII Sidetes (\"Soter\" = savior, or \"Sidetes\" = man of Side) as the addressee's antagonist in this chapter. He was the younger brother of Demetrius II, who had been captured by the Parthians. Antiochus needed Simon's help against Tryphon and therefore initially offered him extraordinary concessions, including the right to coin money — the supreme mark of national sovereignty.

Et permitto tibi facere percussuram proprii numismatis

VERSE 6. ET PERMITTO TIBI FACERE PERCUSSURAM PROPRII NUMISMATIS IN REGIONE TUA. — \"I permit you to coin your own money for your country.\" Lapide treats this concession — the right to mint coins — as the supreme symbol of political sovereignty in the ancient world. It was the exclusive right of kings and emperors. For Antiochus to grant this to Simon was to acknowledge Judea's practical independence. Lapide notes that coinage from the Hasmonean period does indeed survive, inscribed \"Simon High Priest and Head of the Jews\" — exact confirmation of the biblical text.

Venit autem Numenius et qui cum eo fuerant ab urbe Roma

VERSE 15. VENIT AUTEM NUMENIUS ET QUI CUM EO FUERANT AB URBE ROMA HABENTES EPISTOLAS REGIBUS ET REGIONIBUS SCRIPTAS. — Now Numenius and those who had been sent with him returned from Rome, with letters to the kings and countries. Lapide discusses the return of Simon's ambassador from Rome carrying letters of protection. These letters (verses 16-21) were sent to Ptolemy VIII, to Demetrius II, to Attalus II, to Ariarathes V, to Arsaces (the Parthian king who held Demetrius captive), and to nineteen other kings, islands, and cities of the Mediterranean world. This demonstrates the extraordinary diplomatic reach of Rome at this period — from Spain to Persia, all acknowledged Roman authority.

Lucius consul Romanorum Ptolemaeo regi salutem

VERSE 16. LUCIUS CONSUL ROMANORUM PTOLEMAEO REGI SALUTEM. — \"Lucius, consul of the Romans, to King Ptolemy, greetings.\" Lapide discusses the identity of this Lucius: various candidates include L. Furius Philus (consul 618 AUC), L. Caecilius Metellus, and (most likely according to Salianus) L. Calpurnius Piso, who was consul about this time. He also discusses the character of Ptolemy VIII Physcon (Euergetes), to whom this letter was addressed — describing him in unflattering terms based on Justin's account: ugly, pot-bellied, dissolute, cruel, who killed his own nephew on his wedding day.

Et noluit ea accipere sed rupit omnia

VERSE 27. ET NOLUIT EA ACCIPERE SED RUPIT OMNIA QUAE PACTUS EST CUM EO ANTEA ET ALIENAVIT SE AB EO. — But he refused to accept them, and broke all the agreements he had made with Simon, and became estranged from him. Lapide explains why Antiochus VII broke his promises to Simon: now that he had defeated Tryphon and secured his throne, he no longer needed Simon's help. His true goal was to bring Judea firmly back under Seleucid control. His demand for Joppa, Gazara, and the Akra or else 1,000 talents of silver (verses 28-31) was extortionate — and Simon's dignified refusal (verses 33-35) was one of the finest speeches in the book.

Et respondit ei Simon et dixit ei

VERSE 33. ET RESPONDIT EI SIMON ET DIXIT EI: NEQUE ALIENAM TERRAM SUMPSIMUS NEQUE ALIENA DETINEMUS SED HEREDITATEM PATRUM NOSTRORUM. — Simon answered and said to him: \"We have neither taken foreign land nor seized foreign property, but only the inheritance of our fathers, which at one time had been unjustly taken by our enemies.\" Lapide praises this reply as one of the most statesmanlike responses in the book. Simon argues on three grounds: (1) he has not taken foreign land but recovered ancestral Jewish territory; (2) the Gentiles (Philistines at Joppa, Gazaeans) had themselves been the aggressors who had slaughtered Jews; (3) he is willing to pay 100 talents for Joppa and Gazara — a generous offer that Athenobius refused without a word (verse 35). Simon's dignity in the face of extortion is a model for all rulers.

Tryphon autem fugit navi in Orthosiada

VERSE 37. TRYPHON AUTEM FUGIT NAVI IN ORTHOSIADA. — Tryphon fled by ship to Orthosia. Lapide discusses the fate of Tryphon: he escaped the siege of Dora by sea to Orthosia (modern Arwad/Ruad, off the Phoenician coast), where he was eventually captured and killed by Antiochus Sidetes. Josephus, Strabo, Justin, and Appian all attest to his end. Lapide reflects on Tryphon's career as a perfect example of how treachery and murder ultimately destroy their practitioner: he had murdered Jonathan and the young Antiochus VI, and was himself now hunted down and killed by Antiochus VII.

Et constituit rex Cendabaeum ducem maritimum

VERSE 38. ET CONSTITUIT REX CENDABAEUM DUCEM MARITIMUM ET EXERCITUM PEDITUM ET EQUITUM DEDIT ILLI. — The king appointed Cendebeus commander-in-chief of the coastal country, and gave him infantry and cavalry. Lapide notes that Cendebeus's appointment to command the coastal region (Judea's western border) was the beginning of Antiochus VII's campaign against Simon. The name Cendebeus (Heb. Qendvai) may mean \"jealousy\" or \"possessor of grief.\" His attack on Judea was the opening move in the war that would eventually lead to Simon's murder.